Affirmative Action and Fixed Intelligence

September 6th, 2015 / By

I wrote this summer about a study demonstrating a worrisome trend among minority law students: They received lower grades than white peers with similar LSAT scores, undergraduate achievements, and work experience. Part of the problem, I suggested in a second post, may stem from the psychological phenomenon of stereotype threat. When individuals are placed in situations in which a group stereotype suggests that they will perform badly, they do just that. Remove the stereotype threat and performance improves to match that of other individuals with similar experience and abilities.

Stereotype threat arises in part from the implicit racial bias that permeates our culture. If professors, classmates, friends, and family members see minority students as less capable than white ones, those perceptions can become self-fulfilling prophecies. Unconscious bias, unfortunately, is invisible only to the holders of that bias; targets readily perceive the negative assumptions and respond to them.

What About Affirmative Action?

How does affirmative action affect this dynamic? Some critics of affirmative action suggest that special admissions programs simply aggravate stereotype threat–ultimately harming the students they intend to help. Minority students, they reason, know that at least some members of their group lack the credentials of white students; they are “less qualified” to attend law school than their peers. This knowledge, critics reason, will trigger an extreme form of stereotype threat. Knowing that their racial/ethnic group is less qualified than the dominant white group–and that professors know this–minority students will perform poorly.

Does this phenomenon explain the poor performance of minority students in law schools? Should we abandon all traces of affirmative action to improve the achievements of minority students?

Not from my perspective. Instead, we need to examine our own attitudes toward affirmative action. Those attitudes, which inform a law school’s culture, spell the difference between programs that assist minority students and those that may harm them. To explain this, we also need to explore the nature of intelligence: Is an individual’s intelligence fixed at some point early in life? Or is it fluid? I will explore these issues in a series of posts.

Fixed-Intelligence Affirmative Action

Many critics of affirmative action assume that intelligence is fixed. When we admit minority students with lower LSAT scores than their white classmates, these critics assume, we know that the minority students will perform more poorly in law school. They have less law-related intelligence (as measured by LSAT tests) and, thus, are fated to lower performance.

These critics acknowledge that intelligence is not the only factor affecting achievement. Hard work, catch-up tutoring, and faculty encouragement, they concede, may improve a student’s grades. In their view, however, this simply adds to the cost of affirmative action programs. Schools must devote special resources to tutoring programs, and faculty must provide special encouragement to minority students. The pay-off, from the critics’ perspective, is small. Minority students, they argue, would fare better if they attended schools where their fixed intelligence matched that of their white peers.

Many supporters of affirmative action programs also believe in fixed intelligence. These supporters quietly assume that minority students have less law-related intelligence than their white peers, but they blame that difference on historical and contemporary discrimination. Since society has damaged minority students, these professors reason, we owe them special consideration in admissions. We should give them the opportunities they might have had if they had not experienced a lifetime of overt and subtle discrimination. With hard work, special tutoring, and faculty encouragement, at least some of these students will achieve more than their predictors indicate. Even those who finish near the bottom of the class will benefit from the reputation and network connections of a more prestigious school than one they might have attended without affirmative action.

These attitudes, whether expressed critically or supportively, may well reduce the performance of minority students. In addition to creating stereotype threat, these attitudes tell minority students: “Intelligence is fixed by the time students enter law school and, for whatever reason, yours is lower than that of your classmates.” As we’ll see in my next post, belief in fixed intelligence harms students as much as stereotype threat. Minority students, therefore, suffer a double injury when surrounded by these attitudes.

These attitudes, it’s important to note, need not be overt to affect students. Few professors announce to their classes: “Your intelligence is fixed. You’ve either got it or you don’t. See you at the end of the semester.” The beliefs, however, are there. Law school, in fact, seems centered on a theory of fixed intelligence. Our focus on LSAT scores (aggravated by the US News ranking competition), the lack of feedback designed to enhance performance, and the strict grading curves suggest that we believe our students’ intelligence is fixed.

Add assumptions about low-performing minority students to that mix, and you have a recipe for stereotype threat and reduced performance–even among minority students with entering credentials that match those of white peers.

Another Way

Fortunately, it doesn’t have to be this way. There is a way to conceptualize affirmative action programs that is both more cognitively accurate and more supportive of minority students. If we can reform our law school culture to embrace the reality of fluid intelligence, we will reveal the true justification for affirmative action programs, allow minority students to reach their full potential, and improve learning for all students. In my next two posts, I will explore the concept of fluid intelligence and how it can inform our beliefs about affirmative action.

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Can We Close the Racial Grade Gap?

July 25th, 2015 / By

In response to last week’s post about the racial gap in law school grades, several professors sent me articles discussing ways to ameliorate this gap. Here are two articles that readers may find useful:

1. Sean Darling-Hammond (a Berkeley Law graduate) and Kristen Holmquist (Director of Berkeley’s Academic Support Program), Creating Wise Classrooms to Empower Diverse Law Students.

2. Edwin S. Fruehwald, How to Help Students from Disadvantaged Backgrounds Succeed in Law School.

Another excellent choice is Claude Steele‘s popular book, Whistling Vivaldi. Steele, who is currently Executive Vice Chancellor and Provost at UC Berkeley, is a leading psychology researcher. He originated the phrase “stereotype threat,” which explains a key cognitive mechanism behind the reduced performance of minority students in higher education. In his book, Steele offers highly accessible explanations of this mechanism.

Even better, the book describes some experimentally tested approaches for reducing stereotype threat and improving performance of minority students. The psychologists have not found a magic tonic, but they are pursuing some promising ideas.

How Hard Will It Be?

Many of the ideas offered by Steele, Darling-Hammond, Holmquist, and Fruehwald rest on principles of good teaching. We should, for example, teach all of our students how to read cases and analyze statutes, rather than let them flounder to learn on their own. The analytical skills of “thinking like a lawyer” can be taught and learned; they are not simply talents that arise mysteriously in some students.

Similarly, we should cover the basics in our courses, explaining the legal system rather than brushing over those introductory chapters as “something you can read if you need to review.” The latter approach is likely to increase stereotype threat, because it suggests “you don’t belong here and you’re behind already” to students who lack that information. Besides, you’d be surprised how many law students don’t understand the concept of a grand jury–even when they take my second-year Evidence course.

Positive feedback and formative assessment are also important tools; these techniques, like the ones described above, can benefit all students. They may be especially important for minority students, however, who are likely to suffer from both social capital deficits (i.e., lack of knowledge about how to study for law school exams) and culturally imposed self doubts. By giving students opportunities to try out their law school wings, and then offering constructive feedback, we can loosen some of the handicaps that restrain performance.

Harder Than That

These approaches, as well as others mentioned in the articles at the beginning of this post, are worth trying in the classroom. I think, though, that it will be much harder than most white professors imagine to remove the clouds of stereotype threat.

In law schools, we like to imagine that racial bias happens somewhere else. We acknowledge that it occurred in the past and that some of our students still suffer inherited deficits. We also know that it happens in communities outside our walls, where bad things of all types happen. We may also concede that bias occurs in earlier stages of education, if only because many minority students attend low-performing schools.

We assume, however, that racial bias stops at our doors. Law schools, after all, are bastions of reason. Just as we refine “minds full of mush” to sharp analytic instruments, we surely wipe out any traces of bias in ourselves and out students.

This is a dangerously false belief. Race is a pervasive, deeply ingrained category in our psyches. The category may be cultural, rather than biological, but both science and everyday experience demonstrate its grip on us.

Humans, moreover, are exquisitely expressive and acutely sensitive. Micro expressions and body language convey biases we don’t consciously acknowledge. Other people receive those signals even more readily than they hear our spoken words. Reading the psychology literature on implicit bias is both humbling and eye opening. When designing cures for the racial grade gap, we need to grapple with our own unconscious behaviors–as well as with the fact that those of us who are white rarely know what it feels like (deep down, every day) to be a person of color in America.

For Example

Here’s one example of how difficult it may be to overcome the racial gap in law school grades. One useful technique, as mentioned above, is to give students supportive feedback on their work. To help minority students overcome stereotype threat, however, the feedback has to take a particular form.

On p. 162 of his book, Steele describes an experiment in which researchers offered different forms of feedback to Stanford undergraduates who had written an essay. After receiving the feedback, conveyed through extensive written comments, students indicated how much they trusted the feedback and how motivated they were to revise their essays. Importantly, students participating in the study all believed that the reader was white; they also knew that the reader would know their race because of photographs attached to the essays. (The experimental set-up made these conditions seem natural.)

White students showed little variation in how they responded to three types of feedback: (1) “unbuffered” feedback in which they received mostly critical comments and corrections on their essays; (2) “positive” feedback in which these comments were prefaced by a paragraph of the “overall nice job” kind; and (3) “wise” feedback in which the professor noted that he had applied a particularly high standard to the essay but believed the student could meet that standard through revision. All three of these feedback forms provided similar motivation to white students.

For Black students, however, the type of feedback generated significantly different results. The unbuffered feedback produced mistrust and little motivation; the Black students believed that the reader had stereotyped them as poor performers. Feedback prefaced by a positive comment was better; Black students were more likely to trust the feedback and feel motivated to improve. The wise feedback, however, was best of all. When students felt that a professor recognized their individual talent, and was willing to help them develop that talent, they responded enthusiastically.

Some researchers refer to this as the “Stand and Deliver” phenomenon, named for the story of a high school teacher who inspired his underprivileged Mexican-American students to learn calculus. Professors who set high standards, while conveying sincere signals that minority students can meet those standards, can close enormous achievement gaps.

Sincerity

The key word in the previous paragraph is “sincere.” To overcome stereotype threat and other forces restraining our minority students, it’s not enough to offer general messages of encouragement to a class. That worked for Jaime Escalante, the teacher who taught his disadvantaged students calculus, because he was talking to students who all suffered from disadvantage. Delivering the same message to a law school class in which most students are white won’t have much impact on the minority students. The minority students will assume that the professor is speaking primarily to the white students; if anything, this will increase stereotype threat.

Nor will individualized messages work if they follow our usual “overall nice job” format. I cringed when I read those words in the study described by Steele. How often have I written those very words on a paper that needed lots of improvement?

Instead, we have to find ways to convey individually to minority students that we believe they can meet very high standards. That’s a tough challenge because many of us (especially white professors) suffer from implicit biases telling us otherwise. Even if we use the right words, will our tone of voice, micro expressions, and body language signal those unconscious doubts?

Moving Forward

Some readers may dismiss my worry about unconscious bias; they may be certain that they view students of all races equally. Others may be discouraged by my concern, feeling that it is impossible to overcome these biases. Indeed, Steele and others have documented a phenomenon in which whites avoid close interactions with minorities because they fear that they will display their unconscious bias.

A third group of readers may whisper to themselves, “she’s overlooking the elephant in the room. Because of affirmative action, minority students at most law schools are less capable than their white peers.” That potential reaction is so important that I’ll address it in a separate post.

For now, I want to offer this thought to all readers: This will be hard. If we want to close the racial grade gap and help all students excel, we need to examine both our individual and institutional practices very closely. Some of that may be painful. If we can succeed, however, we will achieve a paramount goal–making our promises of racial equality tangible. Our success will affect, not only the careers of individual students, but the quality of the legal profession and the trust that citizens place in the legal system.

I will continue blogging about this issue, offering information about other cognitive science studies in the field. For those of you who would like to look at the study involving written feedback (rather than just read the summary in Steele’s book), it is: Geoffrey L. Cohen, Claude M. Steele & Lee D. Ross, The Mentor’s Dilemma: Providing Critical Feedback Across the Racial Divide, 25 Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin 1302 (1999).

If you want to explore the field on your own, use the database PsycINFO and search for “stereotype threat” as a phrase. Most universities have subscriptions to PsycINFO; if you are a faculty member, staff member, or student, you will be able to read full-text articles for no charge.

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